Merit, Make-Believe and Motor Cars: The Reality Behind the Veil of Austerity

 

For two and a half years, he vigorously sold the public the rhetoric of “merit” and “austerity”. He moved around in a small Cultus (MDGB-196) and taunted others, with trademark bravado: “Why don’t they, like me, use their private cars after office hours?”

What he conveniently overlooked was that many people knew the Cultus he flaunted was itself an official vehicle disguised with a private number plate. But that was only the most superficial deception — visible to anyone. The real story runs deeper, and it must be placed on record, especially for those who still cling to the belief that Chaudhry Anwarul Haq was somehow different from the rest. 

It may not shock his ardent admirers, but it will certainly surprise them to learn that Mr Haq had placed not one, not two, but six to seven official vehicles at the disposal of his family — including the very spouse whom he recently portrayed, in a theatrically crafted and planted interview, as the one who “met his expenses by giving tuition (sic)”.

The vehicles included:

• a black five-door Prado (GA-727)

• a silver five-door Prado (MRGA-040)

• a grey Toyota Camry (MDGC-222)

• a white Toyota Altis car (MDGC-333) — purchased for him as Chairman of the Public Accounts Committee – an office he simultaneously held while being the Speaker of the Legislative Assembly

• a white five-door Land Cruiser (X68-3446)

• a black KIA Sorento (MDGB-230)

• a black Toyota Fortuner (GA-064) — the one he has now kept for himself under the category of “former prime minister’s privileges”

All of these were driven with private number plates to avoid recognition.

The irony is unmistakable: day after day, as a ritual, he denounced various purported “mafias” and accused his predecessors of extravagance at the state’s expense. Yet while he dazzled the gullible public with his Cultus, behind the scenes he quietly amended the law governing ex-prime ministers’ privileges — just seven months after assuming office.

He upgraded the entitlement from an 1800cc car to a 3000cc vehicle, added the deployment of four constables with a senior police officer as guard at the residence, and replaced the grade-11 personal assistant with a grade-16 officer. 

And he did not stop there. He ensured that former prime ministers would enjoy state-funded accommodation across the entire country — yes, across the entire country — by inserting into the law a clause granting them “unrestricted access” to all government guest houses, rest houses and circuit houses.

Other perks — 400 litres of fuel per month, a driver, a gunman, and a Rs50,000 monthly house rent allowance — remained intact. All of this, of course, in addition to their salary or pension as MLAs.

Pertinently, his predecessors had already taken brand-new 1800cc cars at the end of their terms. But since Mr Haq personally wanted a five-door jeep, he simply rewrote the law to make it possible. On several occasions, however, he tried — in his trademark elliptical manner — to shift the responsibility for this amendment onto a few former prime ministers, particularly Raja Farooq Haider.

Around the same period, while addressing the Central Bar Association Muzaffarabad, he said — without naming anyone — that “some people have submitted an application to me” on this matter. “I’ve told them that departments have surrendered several 2002–2005 five-door vehicles to the transport pool, and that they can exchange their cars with those if they wish,” he had said, predicting that “hardly anyone would ever trade a new car for an old one.”

I remember pointing out in a social media post that the amended law does not state that the 3000cc vehicle must be from the 2002 or 2005 models. It only mentions the upgraded engine capacity. Under this law, any prime minister could buy a new 3000cc vehicle and take it home. And, as expected, when it came to Mr Haq himself, he did not pick a 2002 or 2005 model from the transport pool — he simply took a relatively new Fortuner, the very one he had allocated to his family alongside the other official vehicles the day he assumed office.

During our first formal meeting last year — where the then and current minister Malik Zafr Iqbal was also present — I asked the former prime minister why he had expanded the perks instead of abolishing them. His justification was that “several former prime ministers had kept dozens of low-ranking staff, including police personnel, at their homes without legal entitlement, and I merely ‘regularised’ the practice by allowing only a quarter of that number and recalling the rest.”

I couldn’t resist responding: “Sir, it is like allowing someone to commit adultery with four instead of eighteen.” He offered no reaction to my blunt remark.

He often claimed that he drew no salary and would never take a pension. With this at the back of my mind, during another meeting in June this year, I suddenly asked him whether he intended to avail the former prime minister’s perks. He had not expected the question. After a brief pause, he muttered, “For a little while.”

Let’s see how long that “little while” lasts.

The latest development is that barely a week after being ousted from the office, he has demanded additional security from the government, reportedly claiming that his “life is under threat from India.” It is said that the request has already been granted and that four commandos from the Special Police Unit have been assigned to him.

It’s why I am compelled to repeat that those who still consider Mr Haq an epitome of merit and austerity must rethink their position.

This is the same gentleman who, as Speaker in 2010, introduced the luxury of travelling with a police squad — an expense the AJK Assembly had never borne before. In the same period, the direct appointment of a close relative as Assembly Secretary in grade 21 stands as another unmatched example of his so-called commitment to merit.

When he became Speaker again in 2021, he promptly opened a “camp office” at Kashmir House. As prime minister, besides the PM Block, he occupied the entire ground floor of a newly constructed building at Kashmir House, where he spent most of his time over the past two and a half years, despite constant criticism from many.

Fear and pressure may have prevented officials from exposing the truths behind the former prime minister’s lofty claims, but facts have a way of resurfacing — no matter how many layers of rhetoric are draped over them.

Perhaps someday, when the smoke clears from his pre-scripted, carefully curated TV interviews, someone will finally hold Mr Haq to account for the myth of his “simplicity”.

 

Tariq Naqash

Death of woman fleeing 'moral policing' sparks outrage in AJK

The death of a young woman after falling from a cliff on the outskirts of Muzaffarabad on Saturday has triggered widespread outrage across Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK), with demands for the harshest punishment for those accused of harassing couples under the guise of “moral policing” to extort money or valuables.

According to a police spokesperson, the incident occurred at about 1:15pm near Mera Tanolian village on Pir Chinasi Road, when Aqeel Ahmed, son of Muhammad Hussain, and his tenant, Ms Fakhra Amjad, daughter of Muhammad Amjad — both residents of the Plate neighbourhood in Muzaffarabad — had stopped their Mehran car by the roadside while returning from a drive.

Three to four men, one of them a police constable in plain clothes, confronted the pair, deemed their presence “suspicious,” and began beating Aqeel Ahmed. 

During the assault, Ms Amjad got out of the car and tried to flee, but fell approximately 100–120 feet down a mountainside into a ravine, sustaining critical head injuries.

Aqeel Ahmed, also injured, tried to take her to hospital, but she died on the way. Her body was sent for postmortem at CMH Muzaffarabad before being handed over to her family.

Police arrested Aqeel Ahmed and Amir, son of Gul Zaman — a police constable from Mera Tanolian posted elsewhere — and were searching for the remaining suspects, the spokesperson said, adding, legal proceedings had been initiated.

The incident sparked street protests and a wave of online condemnation of so-called “moral brigades” accused of harassing and blackmailing couples for extortion.

 On Sunday, dozens gathered outside the Press Club, demanding to know under what law anyone could question people about their relationships or reasons for visiting tourist spots.

Shahid Zaman Awan, a prominent civil society activist, said that if police had done their job, there would have been no need for the protest. 

“Instead of swooping on those who caused the girl’s death, they have arrested the boy who accompanied her. This is the worst example of traditional police tactics,” he said.

Another protester, Yasir Mughal, demanded swift punishment for the culprits to deter such incidents.

Social media posts reflected similar anger. 

According to many netizens, such incidents had been occurring in this and some other areas as well for a long time, but most victims would avoid reporting them to the police or speaking out publicly.

“Had the authorities taught an unforgettable lesson to some of the culprits, others would have learned from it. But alas, this does not fall in their priorities,” lamented Arham Shaikh, a local resident.

Famous social and political commentator Naila Altaf Kayani called the tragedy “yet another grim consequence of self-styled moral policing,” noting eyewitness claims that a police constable was among the perpetrators.

 “Does our state give anyone the right to take a life?” she asked, calling it proof of “societal hypocrisy and the failure of law.”

Entrepreneur Azra Hafeez Salib decried “institutions openly backing thugs instead of doing their jobs,” warning that if the region could not uphold the rule of law, “God help the rest.” 

Waqas Ahmed Zia, a young civil servant, called the killing “a stinging slap in the face of our justice system,” describing the “moral brigade” as robbers and killers shielded by political patronage.

Activist Fatima Anwar alleged the group had long been involved in harassment, looting, and sexual exploitation, and that a plainclothes police constable was among those who assaulted and robbed the couple, driving the girl to her death. 

Calling it “not an accident but a murder,” she urged a boycott of Pir Chinasi until those responsible are punished.

Playwright Ishtiaq Ahmed Aatish ridiculed the police account as “suspect,” asking why, if the injured girl was being taken to hospital by her companion, “the three or four ‘noble gentlemen’ had vanished.” 

“The Inspector General of Police should release the real report,” he demanded.

Tariq Naqash

CEC vacancy in AJK a threat to democracy: Tariq Farooq

Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) regional secretary general and former senior minister Chaudhry Tariq Farooq has expressed serious concern over the prolonged vacancy in the office of Azad Jammu and Kashmir’s (AJK) Chief Election Commissioner (CEC), warning that it is crippling democratic institutions and could jeopardise the 2026 general elections.

Speaking to reporters, Mr Farooq pointed out that the post had been lying vacant for more than seven months, leaving the Election Commission “functionally paralysed” and local bodies “defunct.”

He noted that under Article 50 of the AJK Interim Constitution, the appointment of a neutral and empowered CEC was obligatory for holding free, fair and timely polls. 

“This is not merely an administrative delay — it is a dangerous political undercurrent,” he said.

Under the AJK’s Interim Constitution, the CEC is appointed by the AJK president on the advice of the chairman of the AJK Council — i.e., the Prime Minister of Pakistan — based on nominees proposed by the AJK prime minister in consultation with the leader of the opposition in the AJK Legislative Assembly. 

The commission also includes a senior member and a member, both appointed solely on the advice of the AJK prime minister.

The commission has been without a chairman since January 14, a day after the completion of the five-year term of retired Justice Abdul Rashid Sulehria as CEC. 

While the senior member position also remains vacant, retired secretary Syed Nazeerul Hassan Gillani was appointed as a member by Prime Minister Chaudhry Anwarul Haq on January 11.

Political circles allege that Mr Haq is dragging the matter for “reasons best known to him,” a stance that has infuriated his opponents, who suspect the “deliberate” delay is aimed at influencing future electoral outcomes.

On March 27, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif had constituted a three-member committee headed by the federal law minister and comprising the federal Kashmir affairs secretary and AJK’s chief secretary to “review the legal scheme and the procedure of appointment of CEC under the provisions of AJK Interim Constitution and any other ancillary aspects of the issue” and submit recommendations within seven days.

The move drew criticism from the AJK chapters of the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) and Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), who argued that the AJK Constitution assigns no role to the federal law minister in the appointment process. 

The committee reportedly held one meeting, in which the AJK chief secretary was directed to speak to the AJK premier about the matter.

However, since then, neither the committee nor the office of the AJK Council chairman (the prime minister of Pakistan) has made any progress, despite PML-N regional president Shah Ghulam Qadir and parliamentary leader Raja Farooq Haider publicly denouncing the delay as a “blatant constitutional violation” by the AJK premier.

“The silence of the AJK Council, chaired by the Prime Minister of Pakistan, is deeply worrying. The Council bears constitutional responsibility for this appointment, and further delay is unjustifiable,” said Mr Farooq, the PML-N regional secretary general.

He warned that continued inaction risked eroding AJK’s constitutional framework and could be perceived as an attempt to undermine its autonomous status. “Political parties, civil society and the lawyers’ fraternity have already voiced strong concerns about what appears to be a deliberate constitutional deadlock,” he added.

Mr Farooq further said the situation was damaging Pakistan’s credibility on the Kashmir issue internationally. “How can we advocate for democratic rights in Indian-occupied Kashmir while failing to uphold them in the territory under our own administration?” he asked.

He urged Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, in his capacity as AJK Council chairman, to immediately appoint a competent and impartial CEC, resolving any procedural obstacles stemming from the 13th Constitutional Amendment through transparent dialogue. 

“This is not just about filling a vacant office — it’s about safeguarding democracy and the people’s right to representation,” he said.

Tariq Naqash

India returns drowned AJK teen’s body after cross-LoC coordination

Indian authorities on Saturday handed over the body of a teenage boy from Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK), nearly two weeks after it was recovered from their side of the Neelum River, an official said.

According to Akhtar Ayoub, the district disaster management officer in Neelum Valley, 18-year-old Shahzad Manzoor had drowned on July 3 while bathing in the icy waters of the Neelum River near Shaikh Bela village, located some 114 kilometres northeast of Muzaffarabad in the upper belt of the picturesque valley.

Despite persistent efforts by local water rescue teams, the body remained untraced for 17 days until it was spotted along the left bank of the river in the Keran village of Indian-occupied Kashmir.

On July 20, images and videos circulated by residents on this side of the Line of Control (LoC) showed Indian army personnel and local residents retrieving a body from the riverbank.

Civilian authorities from both sides, through military channels, subsequently coordinated to establish the boy’s identity and facilitate the repatriation process.

Mr Ayoub said that after completing the necessary procedural formalities, the coffin carrying the body was returned to Pakistani officials at a footbridge in Chilyana — a village located some 50 kilometres from Muzaffarabad, at the entrance to Neelum Valley - at 5:45pm

According to markings on the wooden coffin, made with a black marker, the body had been buried on July 20 and subsequently exhumed on August 2 for repatriation.

Chilyana faces Teetwal village on the opposite bank of the Neelum River in Indian-occupied Kashmir — a point that once served as a foot-crossing under the intra-Kashmir travel arrangement, before the activity was halted by the Indian government ahead of its unilateral and arbitrary move to revoke the special status of occupied Jammu and Kashmir on August 5, 2019.

Tariq Naqash

Awami Action Committee gives strike call for abolition of 12 refugee seats in AJKLA

 

The Jammu Kashmir Joint Awami Action Committee (JKJAAC) – an alliance spearheading the recent rights movement in Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK) - on Thursday announced a complete shutter-down and wheel-jam strike across the liberated territory on September 29, calling for the abolition of 12 legislative assembly seats reserved for refugees from Indian-occupied Jammu and Kashmir who have settled in Pakistan.

Terming these seats a “hub of corruption” and “political opportunism,” the committee’s core members — Shaukat Nawaz Mir, Advocate Raja Amjad Ali Khan, Faisal Jameel Kashmiri, Raja Sohaib and Syed Faisal Gillani — alleged at a press conference that the “controversial representation” had no constitutional or ideological connection with the Kashmir freedom struggle and was being exploited by individuals with no real link to the displaced communities.

“Our movement is neither driven by personal motives nor party interests; it is rooted in the people’s long-standing and genuine concerns,” said Mr Khan. “Under the AJK’s Interim Constitution of 1974 and the UN Commission for India and Pakistan (UNCIP) resolutions, it is clear that these 12 refugee seats have no legal, constitutional or ideological relevance to the freedom movement,” he asserted.

Mr Khan further alleged that the seats had become synonymous with fraudulent schemes, bogus development projects and the large-scale misappropriation of funds. “Their emotional linkage with the freedom movement is a smokescreen for preserving vested interests,” he added.

Mr Mir pointed out that genuine refugees had been living in miserable conditions in makeshift camps for over three decades, but those claiming to represent them had done little to alleviate their suffering.

“Instead, they have siphoned off public funds under the pretext of unmonitored development schemes in Pakistani cities and towns. The time has come for people to rise and demand the abolition of these seats,” he said.

The JKJAAC leaders insisted that eliminating these seats would neither weaken the Kashmir cause nor alter the region’s disputed status under international law. Rather, they claimed, it would mark the first step towards dismantling a deeply flawed and corrupt system.

They also lashed out at the current AJK Legislative Assembly, describing it as a “den of corruption,” and labelled its members “vessels of filth” who remained indifferent to public issues. 

“Most of the sitting MLAs are turncoats who abandon political principles for personal gain and are merely drawing salaries at the behest of Islamabad without any moral legitimacy,” said Mr Kashmiri.

Expressing concern over what they described as widespread governance failures and political apathy, the leaders demanded comprehensive electoral reforms, restoration of state subject rights, and fresh elections to ensure meaningful public representation.

 

They maintained that the internal rights of original state residents — known as State Subjects — could only be restored if they returned to reside in the state. Under the 1932 notification, they said, state subject status remains valid for up to two generations even if the individual resides abroad. “Any political solution must begin with facilitating their right of return,” they emphasised.

Acknowledging that AJK was administered as a local authority, the leaders maintained that key matters — including foreign affairs, defence and refugee rehabilitation — fell under the jurisdiction of the Government of Pakistan. “Any federal intervention in AJK must remain within constitutional limits and should not undermine representative governance,” Mr Khan cautioned.

They also criticised rising electricity tariffs and taxation, calling them an added burden on the public, and dismissed the AJK government’s role in recent negotiations with Islamabad as “nonexistent.” 

The media, they said, should question those who “run personal agendas in the name of the freedom struggle despite lacking even basic understanding of relevant international resolutions.”

Official response

Reacting to the JKJAAC’s remarks, a spokesperson for the AJK government strongly defended the refugee seats, terming them an “inseparable and integral part” of the State of Jammu and Kashmir. 

In a statement, he said the region’s governance was bound by the Interim Constitution, and no pressure group or committee could override its framework.

“Anyone wishing to alter the constitutional framework must follow the legally prescribed process,” the spokesperson said. 

“Refugees from occupied Jammu and Kashmir sacrificed everything for the freedom struggle, and their right to representation — including a vote in any future plebiscite — is guaranteed under UN resolutions.”

The spokesperson accused the JKJAAC of pursuing a divisive agenda and described their criticism of refugee representation as “morally inappropriate and politically motivated.”

Stirring resentment against any segment of society, he warned, would only fuel unrest.

“The AJK Legislative Assembly is a representative institution of the entire state. No one has the right to undermine it through emotional sloganeering. If someone seeks constitutional change, it must come through a democratic mandate, not agitation,” he said.

Tariq Naqash

Constitutional amendment urged to acknowledge binding UN resolutions on Kashmir

A London-based non-governmental organisation with special consultative status at the United Nations Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) has called for the inclusion of binding UN Security Council resolutions in Azad Jammu and Kashmir’s (AJK) constitutional framework, terming their omission a serious legal and strategic lapse.

The Jammu and Kashmir Council for Human Rights (JKCHR) raised this concern in a formal communication from its president, Dr Syed Nazir Gilani, addressed to the Prime Minister of Pakistan (as Chairman of the AJK Council), the AJK Prime Minister, the Speaker, and the Leader of the Opposition in the AJK Legislative Assembly.

Mr Gilani pointed out that while the AJK Government Act of 1970 and the Interim Constitution of 1974 referred to the subsidiary UNCIP resolutions of 1948 and 1949, they omitted explicit mention of UNSC Resolutions 47 (1948) and 91 (1951), which were foundational to the international legal status of the Kashmir dispute.

“These UNSC resolutions are binding under Article 25 of the UN Charter, as they formally designate Jammu and Kashmir as an international dispute and mandate demilitarisation, a ceasefire, and a UN-supervised plebiscite,” he stressed.

He warned that the omission undermined AJK’s standing as a non-sovereign entity under international supervision, diluted its legal identity, and weakened its institutions' ability to invoke international law or challenge external interventions, such as the presence of Pakistani political parties.

Calling the issue a “strategic misalignment with grave legal and political consequences,” Dr Gilani recommended the introduction of a constitutional amendment to explicitly incorporate reference to UNSC Resolutions 47 and 91. 

He also urged the AJK leadership to seek judicial clarification that existing references to UNCIP resolutions inherently include the overarching UNSC mandates. 

Additionally, he called for greater engagement with legislators and the general public to raise awareness about the foundational legal role of UNSC resolutions in the Kashmir dispute, and for the reinforcement of international advocacy efforts by reaffirming AJK’s and Pakistan’s obligations under these UN directives in submissions to relevant international bodies.

Dr Gilani offered JKCHR’s assistance in formulating the necessary legal and institutional reforms, asserting that restoring the reference to binding UN resolutions was vital to upholding AJK’s international legal identity and the unresolved status of the Kashmir dispute.

Appointment of Plebiscite Advisor 

In an earlier related communication, the JKCHR had also urged the AJK prime minister to establish a dedicated plebiscite framework and appoint a plebiscite advisor, as envisaged under Article 11 of the Interim Constitution of 1974 and relevant UN resolutions.

Such a mechanism, according to the rights body, would reinforce AJK’s role as a transitional political entity under UN supervision and strengthen its constitutional and international standing.

Citing both UNCIP and UNSC resolutions, as well as a 1999 AJK High Court judgment, the JKCHR had lamented the continued inaction on the issue, warning that the absence of institutional arrangements had weakened AJK’s position, particularly in the aftermath of India’s unilateral actions on August 5, 2019. 

While proposing concrete steps to address the gap, the JKCHR also offered its assistance in drafting legal and diplomatic frameworks to uphold AJK’s obligations and the right to self-determination of the Kashmiri people.

 Tariq Naqash

Leopard mauls minor girl to death in AJK's border villag

File photo

A leopard mauled to death an eight-year-old girl after straying into a residential area of a border village in Jhelum Valley district of Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK) on Saturday, spreading fear and panic among local residents, police said.

    The tragic incident occurred at about 5pm in Nalai Dabran, a village situated in Pandu sector near the Line of Control (LoC), some 15 kilometres from the town of Chinari and 65 kilometres from Muzaffarabad.

    According to Raja Abdul Waheed, an official at the Chinari police station, the victim, Javeria — a second-grade student and daughter of Ghulam Mustafa Awan — was playing in the courtyard of her home when the predator suddenly attacked and dragged her away.

    Alarmed by her disappearance, family members and neighbours launched a frantic search and combed nearby fields and wooded areas for over three hours. Eventually, they found her lifeless body in dense shrubs about half a kilometre away.

    "The leopard had reportedly bitten her neck, drained her blood and then left the body in the bushes before fleeing towards the forest," the official said.

    Notably, a local journalist, Raja Saddam Hussain, had raised the alarm about the predator’s presence in the area two days earlier. 

    “On July 24, I reported that a leopard had made its way into Bagh Mohalla of Garthama and attacked a child, who narrowly survived,” he said. 

    “We warned of potential danger and urged the authorities to act, but unfortunately, no preventive measures were taken,” he said.

    The tragic death has once again brought attention to the increasing human-wildlife conflict in AJK’s forested regions. Environmental degradation, deforestation, and expansion of human settlements have pushed wild animals, particularly leopards, closer to inhabited areas, often with deadly consequences.

    Attempts to reach officials from the AJK Wildlife and Fisheries Department for comment remained unsuccessful until the filing of this report.

    The incident has left the residents of Nalai terrified, with many families confining themselves indoors out of fear of another possible attack.

    Funeral prayers for the young girl will be offered in Nalai Dabran at 11am on Sunday.

    Tariq Naqash